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Wednesday, November 30, 2022

Eagles special teams coach Michael Clay: 'Always going to be hard on myself' - NBC Sports

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Michael Clay’s goal is for his special teams units to help the Eagles win a Super Bowl.

The Eagles might win a Super Bowl, but at least so far it’s not because of special teams. 

It’s despite special teams.

MORE: Roob's 10 wild non-Jalen Hurts Eagles stats off win over Packers

“I think in any profession - as journalists and myself as coaches - when you feel like you didn't do as well as you possibly could do, you're going to feel bad about it,” Clay said. “You always want to strive for perfection in this profession because it is a production-based business.

“For myself, I don't think anybody is a harder critic than myself. Even if it was a 10-yard punt return, I'm always going to want to strive to be better to get us going and create a long field for the defense. If we get tackled inside the 20, I'm not going to feel good about our kickoff return right there.”

Sunday was another disaster for Clay’s special teams.

The Packers’ Keisean Nixon had returns of 38, 52 and 53 yards in the Eagles’ 40-33 win, and he became the first player with three kick returns over 35 yards against the Eagles since David Wilson had four of them - 36, 45, 48 and 53 yards - in the Eagles’ 19-17 win over the Giants early in 2012 at the Linc.

Nixon’s 38-yarder gave the Packers possession at their 41 and led to a touchdown, his 52-yarder gave the Packers possession near midfield but the Eagles’ defense forced a 3-and-out, and his 53-yarder also gave the Packers’ offense the ball just inside midfield and set up a field goal.

Eagles kick coverage was so feeble Nixon brought out the last two returns from five and six yards deep. 

But this is the way the season has gone for Eagles special teams. They’ve gotten fooled on two fake punts, had a field goal blocked, muffed two punts, committed costly penalties and now almost lost a game because of terrible kick coverage.

Clay, in his second year back with the Eagles after coaching here under Dave Fipp on Chip Kelly’s staff in 2014 and 2015, said he takes performances like this personally.

“The goals that I have in my mind, knowing who we have on this team to help this team get to the ultimate goal, which is let's win the division, let’s make a playoff run, and let’s get to the Super Bowl, it's always not going to feel good coming back after that performance.

“I'm always fortunate enough to look back at it, whereas you won. It's hard to win in the NFL. Again, I'm always going to be hard on myself. Just the person I am, just how I was raised from my parents, just to strive to be the best I possibly be and get these guys to play at a level I know they can play.

“Again, 10-1 in the NFL, being able to help out in a playoff run, that's awesome to wake up every morning to say, ‘Hey, I can help make this team better in terms of that.’ But it all starts from … looking at the film, looking myself in the mirror (and asking), ‘How can I get these guys better? What drills can I do? How can I explain it better to them where they understand it and it clicks and they can play a little bit faster.’

“Yes, I’m going to be disappointed in myself, but, again, I have the opportunity to help make this team better going forward in these last six weeks.”

READ: Jalen Hurts honored after historic game against Packers

Clay said Howie Roseman pulled him aside on Monday, a day after special teams’ latest disaster, and gave him a sort of vote of confidence, reminding him that despite all of his group’s issues, the Eagles are 10-1 with the best record in the NFL and a clear path to the No. 1 seed in the NFC.

“You have a sour taste in your mouth, but you’ve also got to look at the big picture again,” Clay said. “ I've been in situations back-to-back years where I was 1-10 through 11 games. Howie kind of said this to me: ‘We're 10-1, so there are a lot worse situations.’"

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December 01, 2022 at 07:07AM
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Eagles special teams coach Michael Clay: 'Always going to be hard on myself' - NBC Sports

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Carmichael Comments: Hard To Beat - University of North Carolina Athletics - UNC Athletics

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Prior to each Carolina women's basketball game, head coach Courtney Banghart will identify keys to victory, a practice that's commonplace for any coach. After all, as a coach, you have to craft a plan for success. Things were no different for Carolina on Sunday in the Phil Knight Invitational Championship Game against No. 5 Iowa State. While there were certainly areas pointed out and promoted to the team behind closed doors, the message from Banghart publicly was simple.

"Be hard to beat."

With about three minutes to go in the first half of Carolina's first top-10 vs. top-10 matchup since January 2014, Carolina seemed easy to beat. Iowa State was up 32-15, limiting the Tar Heels to just six field goals and converting with success in their two-headed offensive attack. Stephanie Soares, a 6-6 center, had scored 11 points for the Cyclones, while four well-timed threes helped to add to the lead. The Carolina offense seemed stuck in the mud, one of the nation's elite teams in Iowa State was finding its offensive groove, and it seemed the problems that had Carolina down at halftime in consecutive games finally were ready to catch up with the Tar Heels. If you're an outsider, that's a fair thought. But inside the Carolina locker room? Inside the mind of Banghart and her players? A different story. Iowa State hadn't beaten them yet, and Carolina wanted to make that a hard task.

"They knew they were going to have to meet me at halftime and wanted me to be a less crabby coach at halftime," Banghart joked.

Over the final 2:21 of the half, the Tar Heels held Iowa State scoreless and forced three turnovers. The 17-point lead was down to 13. That was a microcosm of what was to come. A slightly-less-crabby Banghart went to work with her team. Even with Iowa State's success offensively, the Tar Heels' fourth-year leader wasn't too concerned with the Cyclones' ability to score. Instead, she wanted her team to play up to their potential offensively.

"We scored only 22 points in the first half so we spent a lot of time on the offensive end," Banghart said of the locker room focus.

The offensive sets Carolina utilized in the second half clearly worked. The Tar Heels shot 54.8 percent  (17-for-31) from the floor in the second half, including a 6-for-9 effort from three. That nearly-55-percent clip was a massive jump from the 21.2 percent (7-for-33) Carolina shot in the first half. In fact, it's the largest disparity between shooting numbers in halves for Carolina under Banghart – either positive or negative. With offensive numbers like that, a team is certainly hard to beat.

"I don't think we were a hard team to beat in the first half, but we became a hard team to beat as the game got going," Banghart reflected.

Thirteen became 10. 10 became eight. Down to six. And with 7:51 to play, a Deja Kelly three-pointer leveled the score at 53. With the offense in gear, a 14-0 Tar Heel run to start the fourth was the defensive push needed to take the lead. Iowa State would battle back to tie the game at 64 before the Tar Heels scored nine of the game's next 10 points and won by nine.
"We've got a bunch of fighters," Banghart said immediately after the game, admitting the magnitude of the effort hadn't sunk in yet. "You can push us and push us, and then we just had enough."

Coachability and a never-quit attitude? That's pretty hard to beat.

Here's what else caught my eye this week…

National Exposure
Sixty-one of the Tar Heels' 73 points in the Iowa State win – and 57 of the 85 in Thursday's tournament-opening win over Oregon – were scored by members of Carolina's junior class. The first class signed by Banghart and her staff at Carolina, the juniors have been the primary architects of the program's rise to the level of ACC and national contender. It's no secret that the Tar Heels played the under-the-radar card last season, but as the marquee wins start to pile up, so do the opportunities for the players we've come to know and love to show their skills to a broader audience. One of those skills, of course, being that intangible toughness.

"I thought last year, we were hard to beat," Banghart said. "We proved that night after night. It took playing South Carolina the way we did for people to see that."
That 69-61 effort in March's Sweet 16, the Gamecocks' lone single-digit victory en route to a National Championship, was a byproduct of a collective growth and improvement process. It was perhaps the first time some casual women's basketball fans heard the names Deja Kelly, Alyssa Ustby, or Kennedy Todd-Williams. They heard them again in Portland, with Kelly's 29-point game against Iowa State earning her the tournament MVP and ACC Player of the Week nods. Ustby was named to the All-Tournament Team. Todd-Williams splashed in 17 points in the title game. Though many more now know those names, that's definitely not the main purpose of playing on such a big stage.

"We're not worried about making statements yet," Banghart said. "We're worried about getting better and having competitive opportunities." 

Hodgson's Epic Thanksgiving Day
Of course, Carolina wouldn't have reached Sunday's title game of the PKI if not for another comeback win, the six-point triumph over Oregon on Thanksgiving Day. Eva Hodgson, with two of her five brothers in attendance, was to thank for the Carolina win. The graduate transfer from William & Mary set her Carolina-career best scoring mark with 21 points and hit five threes in the process, matching her career high for both her time with the Tar Heels and the Tribe. It marked the second straight big game from Hodgson, who scored 18 with four triples in the James Madison win the previous Sunday. One of Hodgson's best moments against the Ducks was a four-point play midway through the fourth quarter that gave the Tar Heels the lead for good, a contested three that still went in despite contact to the hand. For Banghart, communicating Hodgson's green light is critical to the Tar Heels' success.

"I've got to find a way to keep convincing her that when she shoots threes, we're better," Banghart said, sounding very similar to her tone after the JMU performance. "It's early in the year, we're still figuring out who we are, but it's just so obvious to me that when she looks to shoot, we're better."

Adams Impacts Oregon Win
Ten, 20, heck, even 50 years from now, when someone looks at a box score from Carolina's win over Oregon, they'll see Destiny Adams credited with five points and five rebounds over 23 minutes as a bench player. Not bad by any means, but not the kind of game-changing effort you'd think would be essential to win a game over a No. 18-ranked Ducks squad. Dig deeper, and there will be clues, though. Two blocks and two steals are the only recorded stats of Adams' special defensive day, when she helped shut down the long and athletic Ducks with a mix of hustle and physicality.

"She's just so active," Banghart reflected. "She gets her hands on things, she gets on the floor. She's just relentless, and she's got no fear. The way in which she competes, you can really trust." 

Adams' growth from her freshman to sophomore season continues to be one of the most positive developments of the early season for the Tar Heels.

Up Next
Remember how we had to wait nine years for the Tar Heels to play in an all-top-10 matchup? Well, the wait is a lot shorter this time. A mere 94-ish hours after the final horn sounded in Portland, Carolina will head to Bloomington, Ind. to face No. 5 Indiana. The game is part of the final edition of the ACC/Big Ten Challenge, as the ACC will instead challenge the SEC beginning with the 2023-24 season. The Hoosiers, Elite Eight participants in 2021 and a Sweet 16 team last season, are off to a 7-0 start this year with a signature win at Tennessee on Nov. 14. Coach Teri Moren's team won't be complete for Thursday, as all-Big Ten guard Grace Berger is day-to-day with a knee injury but will not play against the Tar Heels. That doesn't mean Indiana doesn't have threats. Forward Mackenzie Holmes averages 20.0 PPG on a whopping 77 percent field goal efficiency, and guards Sara Scalia and Yarden Garzon are both three-point sharpshooters. But as we've learned, the combo of a great post and three-point shooting has been beatable for Carolina against Oregon and Iowa State. Tip on Thursday in Bloomington is at 6:00 p.m., with our THSN coverage starting at 5:30 p.m. with the Reeds Jewelers Pregame Show. Catch the broadcast locally on 97.9 FM/1360 AM in the Triangle (starting at 6:00), or worldwide for free via our THSN streaming platforms starting at 5:30 p.m.: GoHeels.com, the GoHeels app, and the Varsity Network app from Learfield.
Then, the Tar Heels will break from game action for six days for exams. The action returns on Dec. 7 with a visit from UNCW, the first of three straight home games at Carmichael Arena and five straight games in the state of North Carolina. In the meantime, be on the lookout for information on the return of the Holding Court radio show, the Tar Heel Sports Network's weekly radio show dedicated to Carolina Women's Basketball. We're excited to bring the show back!

That's all for now. Go Heels!

-Matt
 

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December 01, 2022 at 12:08AM
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Carmichael Comments: Hard To Beat - University of North Carolina Athletics - UNC Athletics

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Tuesday, November 29, 2022

The Thing That's Hard About Markets - A Wealth of Common Sense

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When Russia invaded Ukraine in late-February, the price of oil was a little more than $90 a barrel.

It basically went straight up from there to well over $120 a barrel in about a week and a half.

Gas prices quickly moved up as well, getting as high as more than $5 a gallon by early summertime.

The energy picture felt bleak at the time and it seemed like it was only a matter of time until we broke through all-time highs in energy prices.

Just look at all of the headlines from March of this year:

We spent the entirety of the 2010s underinvesting in our energy infrastructure and then one of the most important energy sources in the world basically got cut off because of the war.

Things felt bleak considering inflation was already at the highest levels in four decades.

I specifically recall listening to an Odd Lots podcast in March that laid out the case for $200/barrel oil in March when tensions were high:

Tracy: I mean, how high do you think it could go? And what level would be worrying to you in terms of demand destruction?

Pierre: Well, I think, like close to $200 a barrel — so much higher than today. I feel like there’s no demand destruction at $110 a barrel and we’ll have to go significantly higher before demand can go down by enough. But that’s also assuming there’s no government mandate and some kind of confinement, where let’s say two days a month, we are not doing anything. And we are in confinement for two days a month. I mean, there could be some solutions like that to bring demand down, but if there’s no government mandate, then I think that around $200 oil will be enough to bring demand to balance the market.

Joe: Could we see $200 oil this year?

Pierre: Yes, I think so. Yes.

It sure felt like it was only a matter of time.

However, the opposite happened.

Oil prices have crashed from those March highs.

Here’s a story from Reuters this week about where things stand:

Oil prices fell close to their lowest this year on Monday as street protests against strict COVID-19 curbs in China, the world’s biggest crude importer, stoked concern over the outlook for fuel demand.

Brent crude dropped by $2.67, or 3.1%, to trade at $80.96 a barrel at 1330 GMT, having dived more than 3% to $80.61 earlier in the session for its lowest since Jan. 4.

U.S. West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude slid $2.09, or 2.7%, to $74.19 after touching its lowest since Dec. 22 last year at $73.60.

Both benchmarks, which hit 10-month lows last week, have posted three consecutive weekly declines.

Not only are oil prices lower than they were before the war broke out in Ukraine, but they are basically flat on the year:

I bring this up not to dunk on these forecasts.1

Those forecasts all made sense given the information we had at the time.

This year is full of surprising outcomes in the markets but this one might be the most surprising to me.

And the crazy thing is it’s hard to find a good reason for oil prices coming down so much.

Sure, the White House released the strategic oil reserves and China continues to have its Covid lockdowns. Maybe the market is looking ahead to demand destruction from a potential recession. Or maybe the cure for high prices was high prices?

It sure doesn’t feel like there was a glaringly obvious catalyst for the move higher in oil prices to reverse.

The thing that’s hard about markets is you could be completely right about the geopolitics and still be wrong about the price action.

Or you could be completely right about the macro and still be wrong about the price action.

For instance, let’s say I would have told you before the start of the year that oil prices would be flat through the end of November.

How would you think energy stocks would do in that situation?

I guess energy stocks2 don’t need higher oil prices to outperform:

Energy is far and away the best-performing sector in the S&P 500 this year and there isn’t a close second place.3

Markets are full of contradictions, surprises, overreactions, underreactions and head-scratching moves.

It’s always been this way but the more I learn about the markets the more I realize how difficult they can be.

Humility should be your default setting when trying to figure out what comes next.

Further Reading:
Markets Are Hard: Seth Klarman Edition

1And who knows — maybe we’ll still see $200/barrel for some other reason.

2My guess as to why energy stocks are performing so well while oil prices have crashed is twofold: (1) Energy stocks have gotten crushed for years before the past 18 months or so and (2) It seems like investors now realize the importance of this sector going forward so they’ve bid up share prices. Maybe I’m wrong.

3In fact, energy is the only positive sector on the year. As of this writing, the next best performer is consumer staples, which is down 20 basis points or so. Utilities, healthcare and industrial stocks are also holding up well, all down less than 5% on the year.

 

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November 30, 2022 at 01:20AM
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The Thing That's Hard About Markets - A Wealth of Common Sense

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The Hard Truth About Long Wars: Why the Conflict in Ukraine Won't End Anytime Soon - Foreign Affairs Magazine

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When Russia invaded Ukraine in February, few observers imagined that the war would still be raging today. Russian planners did not account for the stern resistance of Ukrainian forces, the enthusiastic support Ukraine would receive from Europe and North America, or the various shortcomings of their own military. Both sides are now dug in, and the fighting could carry on for months, if not years.

Why is this war dragging on? Most conflicts are brief. Over the last two centuries, most wars have lasted an average of three to four months. That brevity owes much to the fact that war is the worst way to settle political differences. As the costs of fighting become apparent, adversaries usually look for a settlement.

Many wars, of course, do last longer. Compromise fails to materialize for three main strategic reasons: when leaders think defeat threatens their very survival, when leaders do not have a clear sense of their strength and that of their enemy, and when leaders fear that their adversary will grow stronger in the future. In Ukraine, all these dynamics keep the war raging.

But these three tell only part of the story. Fundamentally, this war is also rooted in ideology. Russian President Vladimir Putin denies the validity of Ukrainian identity and statehood. Insiders speak of a government warped by its own disinformation, fanatical in its commitment to seize territory. Ukraine, for its part, has held unflinchingly to its ideals. The country’s leaders and people have shown themselves unwilling to sacrifice liberty or sovereignty to Russian aggression, no matter the price. Those who sympathize with such fervent convictions describe them as steadfast values. Skeptics criticize them as intransigence or dogma. Whatever the term, the implication is often the same: each side rejects realpolitik and fights on principle.

Russia and Ukraine are not unique in this regard, for ideological belief explains many long wars. Americans in particular should recognize their own revolutionary past in the clash of convictions that perpetuates the war in Ukraine. More and more democracies also look like Ukraine—where popular ideals make certain compromises abhorrent—and this intransigence lies behind many of the West’s twenty-first-century wars, including the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan. It is seldom acknowledged, but closely held principles and values often make peace elusive. The war in Ukraine is just the most recent example of a fight that grinds on not because of strategic dilemmas alone but because both sides find the idea of settlement repugnant.

WHY SOME WARS DON’T END

Wars begin and persist when leaders think they can secure a better outcome by fighting rather than through normal politics. Countries fight long wars for at least three calculated reasons. First, rulers who fear for their survival stay on the battlefield. If Putin believes defeat could end his regime, he has an incentive to keep fighting, whatever the consequences for Russians.

Second, wars persist in conditions of uncertainty—for instance, when both sides have only a fuzzy sense of their relative strength or when they underestimate the damaging consequences of the conflict. In many cases, a few months of battle dispel this fog. Fighting reveals each side’s might and resolve and clears up misperceptions. Rivals find a way to end the war by reaching an agreement that reflects the now visible balance of power. Most wars, as a result, are short.

But in some cases, the fog of war lifts slowly. Take the current situation in Ukraine. Ukrainian forces have exceeded everyone’s expectations, but it remains unclear whether they can drive Russian troops out of the country. A cold winter could erode Europe’s willingness to keep delivering funds and weapons to Ukraine. And the battlefield effects of Russia’s partial mobilization in September will only be apparent months from now. Amid such persistent uncertainties, rivals can find it harder to strike a peace deal.

Finally, some political scientists and historians argue that every long war has at its heart a “commitment problem”—that is, the inability on the part of one side or both to credibly commit to a peace deal because of anticipated shifts in the balance of power. Some call this the Thucydides Trap or a “preventive war”: one side launches an attack to lock in the current balance of power before it is lost. From Germany’s effort to prevent the rise of Russia in 1914 to the United States’ desire to stop Iraq from becoming a nuclear power in 2003, commitment problems drive many major wars. In those circumstances, bargains can unravel before they are even made.

At first glance, the war in Ukraine looks to be full of commitment problems. Whenever a European leader or a U.S. general suggests it is time to settle with Russia, Ukrainians, and their allies retort that it is Putin who cannot credibly commit to a deal. The Kremlin is hell-bent on gaining territory, they say, and its leader is politically and ideologically locked into his war aims. Settle now, Ukrainians warn, and Russia will simply regroup and attack again. Ukrainians, moreover, are in no mood to compromise with their oppressor. Even if Moscow could get a Ukrainian negotiator to agree to a cease-fire, the chances of the Ukrainian public or the Ukrainian parliament’s accepting even the tiniest loss of people or territory are slim. A popular backlash would scupper any negotiated deal.

Neither Russia’s resolve nor Ukraine’s, however, are traditional commitment problems stemming from strategic calculations and perceptions of shifts in power. Rather, immaterial forces make an accord difficult. The principles and obsessions of Ukrainian and Russian leaders fuel the conflict. There is no imminent deal because both sides prefer fighting to conceding.

ZEAL AND PURPOSE

Ukraine’s strident resistance to any suggestion of compromise is not unusual. The same intransigence recurs throughout history whenever colonized and oppressed peoples have decided to fight for their freedom against all odds. They reject subjugation for many reasons, including a mix of outrage and principle. Concessions—to imperialism, to domination—are simply abhorrent, even for the weak. As the anticolonial political philosopher Frantz Fanon wrote in his 1961 classic, The Wretched of the Earth, “We revolt simply because, for many reasons, we can no longer breathe.”

The parallels between Ukrainian resistance and the United States’ own revolution are especially striking. Then, as now, a superpower hoped to strengthen its grip on a weaker entity. In the 1760s and 1770s, Great Britain tried again and again to restrain the autonomy of the 13 colonies. British forces were militarily superior, and the colonists had no formal allies. Arguably, partial sovereignty and increased taxes were the best possible deal the colonists could demand from the hegemon. Still, many Americans rejected this bargain. Why? In a letter to Thomas Jefferson in 1815, John Adams wrote that the true revolution occurred in the “Minds of the People.” This was effected, he wrote, “in the course of 15 years before a drop of blood was shed at Lexington.” It came about, he observed a few years later, through a “radical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments, and affections” of the colonists. To many, compromising on these principles by conceding to a British king was out of the question. In Ukraine, its autonomy assailed for nearly a decade by Putin, a similar resolve has emerged. Many Ukrainians refuse as a matter of principle to accept Russian claims to their land or to bend in the face of Russian aggression—especially when it means leaving their compatriots on the other side.

There are also parallels to an old, now neglected idea in the study of war: “indivisibility,” or an object, place, or set of principles that people convince themselves cannot be divided or compromised in any way. Some scholars used the concept to explain why holy sites and ethnic homelands can prompt long and divisive wars. Others dismissed it as a boutique explanation for a narrow class of conflicts, and indivisibilities drifted from academic attention. The concept is powerful, however, and applicable to a wide variety of conflicts. When the brave fighters in Ukraine or anti-imperial revolutionaries in colonial America and in European colonies in Africa refused to concede liberties, it was because they considered the tradeoffs too costly. A radical change in principles and popular sentiment made surrendering land and freedom politically infeasible.

 

This phenomenon is far from rare, and it seems particularly prevalent in democracies. Arguably, principles and unacceptable compromises are one of the main reasons democratic countries end up waging long wars. Take the United States’ two-decade campaign in Afghanistan. Repeatedly, from 2002 through at least 2004, Taliban officials sought political deals with Hamid Karzai, who was then the Afghan president. But according to insiders interviewed by the historian Carter Malkasian, the George W. Bush administration’s view was that “all Taliban were bad.” Looking at the same period, the journalist Steve Coll noted how U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld announced that negotiation was “unacceptable to the United States” and that the U.S. policy toward the Taliban was “to bring justice to them or them to justice.” In both Malkasian’s and Coll’s accounts, the Bush administration steadfastly forbade Karzai from pursuing any settled peace.

Of course, the U.S. government had strategic reasons to doubt the Taliban’s sincerity. And in seeking the total military defeat of the Taliban, administration officials wanted to establish a reputation of strength and send a signal to other adversaries not to attack the United States. But it would be foolish to ignore the fact that, for almost two decades, U.S. leaders rejected the idea of negotiating with the Taliban as a matter of principle, not just one of calculated strategy.

The United States is not alone in its refusal to deal. Again and again, in confronting insurgents and terrorists in Iraq, Northern Ireland, the Palestinian territories, and a dozen other places, democratic governments have refused for years to even consider dialogue. Jonathan Powell, the British government’s chief negotiator in Northern Ireland from 1997 to 1999, lamented this situation in his 2015 book, Terrorists at the Table. He argued that demonizing the enemy and refusing all dialogue was shortsighted and invariably the cause of needless deaths. In Northern Ireland, the British government eventually realized that it needed to pursue a political process. Peace is impossible, Powell contends, if ideological barriers prevent leaders from negotiating.

THE PERIL OF PRINCIPLE

Yet events in Ukraine have not reached a point where Ukrainians can countenance compromise. Recently, realists such as Henry Kissinger and Stephen Walt have urged Ukraine to overcome its ideological barriers and trade some degree of sovereignty for peace. The difference between such realists and the idealists who want Ukraine to keep fighting is simple: they disagree on the cost of the concessions Ukraine might have to make to produce a deal and on the level of Russia’s ideological commitment to the conquest of its neighbor.

Make no mistake, there is a strategic case for the Ukrainians to fight on and for the West to support them. Still, resistance to Russia—and rejection of the kinds of distasteful compromises that might bring the war to a swift end—should also be understood as evidence of the abiding power of ideals and principles in geopolitics.

Such values and ideas will continue to play a leading role in the wars waged by democracies in the future. The West has grown steadily more rights based over time: it has become obligatory in many countries to abide by and defend certain liberal principles, whatever the consequences. The philosopher Michael Ignatieff calls this shift the Rights Revolution. These ideals should be celebrated, and Western governments should continue to try living up to them (even if they often fail). But if this tendency makes the West less inclined toward realpolitik—trading rights and principles for peace, or cutting deals with unpalatable autocrats—wars such as the one in Ukraine may become more frequent and more difficult to end.

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November 29, 2022 at 12:30PM
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The Hard Truth About Long Wars: Why the Conflict in Ukraine Won't End Anytime Soon - Foreign Affairs Magazine

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Iran vs USA: Why is it hard to focus on just the football? - Al Jazeera English

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The stakes for what happens after tonight’s match are very high as a win will catapult Iran into the elimination stage for the first time in history.

Tehran, Iran – It is Iran versus the United States in the Qatar World Cup 2022 on Tuesday.

There’s survival at stake. But for the majority of the millions tuning in across Iran, it will be difficult to focus on just the football. The reason is not just the sour political relations between the two countries.

The two sides last met during the 1998 World Cup in France. That was the first match they played against each other since Tehran and Washington cut ties after Iran’s 1979 revolution.

But any concerns of tensions showing on the pitch dissipated after the Iranian players handed bouquets of white roses to their opponents and both sides had a group photo taken.

There were celebrations on the streets of Tehran when goals by Hamid Estili and Mehdi Mahdavikia secured a 2-1 win. That was also Iran’s first win at a World Cup match.

On Friday, Iran beat Wales in dramatic fashion. It gave the players a much-needed boost after suffering a 6-2 thrashing in their opener against England.

A win over the US would help the team move to the knockouts for the first time ever.

But the players and the management know it is not all about football.

Iran continues to be gripped by protests that began more than 70 days ago, during which more than 400 people, including more than 60 children, have been killed, according to human rights organisations.

Iranian authorities have not released official figures.

The protests began after 22-year-old Mahsa Amini died following her arrest by the country’s morality police for allegedly not adhering to a mandatory dress code.

Protests that still bear her name and the slogan “woman, life, freedom” have made their way into the World Cup as well.

Some Iranians expected Team Melli players to join other current and former athletes and use their high profile at the biggest international football theatre to express unequivocal support for the protests.

Captain Ehsan Hajisafi implicitly expressed solidarity with the protests during a news conference in Doha last week. The players refused to sing along with the national anthem ahead of the opener against England.

But their rhetoric has been focused solely on football since, and they sang the anthem ahead of the Wales match.

There were calls for street protests in Iran following the England match. But demonstrations were very limited amid a heavy presence by security forces and a severe slowdown in internet connections that came on top of significant internet restrictions that have been in place since shortly after the protests began.

After the win against Wales, there were street celebrations supported and encouraged by security forces.

The same police in riot gear that have become a familiar sight during the crackdown on protests were this time filmed waving flags, riding their motorcycles, and even playing music in the streets. State-affiliated news websites published images of cheering women without the mandatory headscarf in a big break with their policies during normal times.

And authorities continue to focus their rhetoric on the importance of using Iran’s current national flag as protesters abroad display flags used before the revolution during demonstrations in a show of defiance.

Iran on Monday lodged a complaint to FIFA over the removal of the word “Allah” from the Islamic Republic’s flag on social media posts by the US, which the latter admitted came as a show of support for the protests.

Meanwhile, Iran’s top officials continue to publicly accuse the US of being the main driving force behind “riots” and “terrorism” in the country, something Washington has denied.

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November 29, 2022 at 03:41PM
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Iran vs USA: Why is it hard to focus on just the football? - Al Jazeera English

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Monday, November 28, 2022

Steam Deck’s Greatness Makes It Hard To Go Back To The Switch - Kotaku

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Steam Deck’s Greatness Makes It Hard To Go Back To The Switch  Kotaku The Link Lonk


November 29, 2022 at 02:05AM
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Steam Deck’s Greatness Makes It Hard To Go Back To The Switch - Kotaku

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Sirianni: Titans will bring a hard, physical, nasty team to Philadelphia - PhiladelphiaEagles.com

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Sirianni also had high praise for some young defensive backs who have had to step in with veterans injured – Josiah Scott has been in the lineup as the nickel cornerback with Avonte Maddox on Injured Reserve and Reed Blankenship played on Sunday night in place of safety C.J. Gardner-Johnson.

Depth has been challenged in the secondary and both Scott and Blankenship have responded.

"They just come to work every day and we trust they know what to do. That's just a piece of it. We trust they know what to do because they work hard and they're smart and they study hard, but you also have to have talent to do it, and they have that as well. Both of those guys have major talent. That's why they're on this team. They're tough, they're smart, they have talent, and so you have that faith in them," Sirianni said. "You have that faith in them that they're going to go out and perform and do the things they need to do to help us win. I think Josiah was able to do that at times last year for us, so we've seen that. He was also great on special teams for us all last year, and continuing into this year.

"So sometimes you don't get to see that live unless it is on special teams. Every time Reed has had an opportunity to play and perform, he's done a really good job. So, we have a ton of faith in those guys. That's the reason they're here, is because we have faith in them. If you don't have faith in them – and it's not blind faith. You hear me say that all the time. It's not blind faith, it's faith that they give us because of the way they practice, because of the way they go about their business and prepare, and now, the way they're playing."

Sirianni said he would update the injury situations of Gardner-Johnson, who left Sunday night's game with a rib injury, and defensive tackle Jordan Davis, who is eligible to come off Injured Reserve after spending time there with an ankle injury, later in the week.

For now, it's about preparing for the Titans, a team that is coming in off a loss to the Bengals with one thing in mind: To grind down the Eagles, to be more physical on the road. and to win a close game. Tennessee has not allowed more than 20 points in eight straight games, so the Titans have something special going defensively.

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Sirianni: Titans will bring a hard, physical, nasty team to Philadelphia - PhiladelphiaEagles.com

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'I Worked Very Hard': Hawaii Gov. David Ige Looks Back At 8 Years Leading The State - Honolulu Civil Beat

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This story was written by Associated Press reporter Audrey McAvoy.

HONOLULU (AP) — As Hawaii’s governor, David Ige faced a volcanic eruption that destroyed 700 homes, protests blocking construction of a cutting-edge multibillion-dollar telescope and a false alert about an incoming ballistic missile. During the COVID-19 pandemic, tourism shut down and Hawaii’s unemployment rate soared to 22.4%.

Crisis response is one way to sum up the Democrat’s eight years leading Hawaii, which are due to wrap up when his successor, Lt. Gov. Josh Green, is inaugurated on Dec. 5.

“It’s stressful, especially during public health emergencies,” Ige said during a recent interview reflecting on his two terms in office. “There are people who don’t like what you do and they don’t like decisions made. And today, they can let you know that.”

Yet the 65-year-old former electrical engineer said that he agrees with other governors who told him shortly after his 2014 election that he was about to get the best job he could ever have.

“You have direct impact on the quality of people’s lives. What we do matters to people every single day,” Ige said.

Hawaii Governor David Ige at the Civil Beat Editorial Board, discusses aspects of the 2022 Primary Election and Rail with members of the Civil Beat Staff. David Croxford/Civil Beat/2022

Ige cited progress he made on affordable housing and homelessness. But he’s most proud of how he responded to the pandemic, and it’s what he’d like to be remembered for after he leaves.

A report by the Commonwealth Fund, a New York-based nonprofit foundation, found Hawaii had the lowest “excess mortality” rate among the 50 states, a statistic measuring deaths that exceed historical norms for a given time and place. Ige said that Hawaii’s health care system was always able to care for both Covid-19 patients and others throughout the pandemic.

Ige said that he wanted to protect Hawaii’s older people and the health and safety of residents. He didn’t want Hawaii’s hospitals to be overwhelmed, since people would have difficulty getting medical care from a neighboring state.

“We knew that it’s not about driving somebody to the next county or flying somebody to get services. We’re 2,500 miles away from anywhere,” Ige said.

Ige signed executive orders that required wearing masks in public and limiting the size of gatherings. Unique among the 50 states, Hawaii imposed a 14-day quarantine on incoming travelers and actively enforced it. This order effectively shuttered the state’s tourism industry, which is a key economic driver, but officials believe that it also slowed the spread of Covid-19.

“There were so many times when we wanted him to just take control of the situation, and provide some leadership and direction. And it just didn’t happen.” — House Speaker Scott Saiki

Kirk Caldwell, who was Honolulu’s mayor when the pandemic began, said that Ige was under “huge pressure” from people urging him to impose public health protections faster. Later, people pushed him to ease up as conditions improved.

Ige also juggled some counties wanting more restrictions while others wanted looser rules.

Honolulu City Council member Andria Tupola, who ran against Ige as the Republican nominee for governor in 2018, praised Ige’s even temperament and acceptance of criticism. But she said that he should have shared power with state legislators or held public hearings instead of issuing COVID-19 executive orders for two years.

“You got to pull back and you got to wean yourself off of making all the decisions, and then start to trust that other leaders collectively can join in the decision making,” she said.

Hawaii House Speaker Scott Saiki, a Democrat, said that Ige’s cautious approach contributed to both successes and failures. It was important for Ige to avoid making hasty decisions and to not overreact during the pandemic, but too often the governor suffered from “analysis paralysis,” he said.

“There were so many times when we wanted him to just take control of the situation, and provide some leadership and direction,” Saiki said. “And it just didn’t happen.”

Lawmakers stepped in on multiple occasions to take on roles that one would expect of the executive branch.

Saiki pointed to how the Legislature mobilized volunteers to help the state process unemployment insurance claims pouring in during the pandemic. He also said that lawmakers worked with Honolulu hospitals to set up two COVID-19 mass vaccination clinics.

Mauna Kea supporters right hold their line as left, DLNR law enforcement officers tell them to clear the road to allow their vehicles to make the ascent to the summit. . 24 june 2015. photograph Cory Lum/Civil Beat
Mauna Kea supporters and state law enforcement officers faced off during a massive protest on Mauna Kea in 2015. The protesters succeeded in preventing work from beginning on the Thirty Meter Telescope project. Cory Lum/Civil Beat/2015

There’s also the Thirty Meter Telescope project. The prolonged standoff over its construction on the summit of Mauna Kea, a place many Native Hawaiians consider sacred, deepened community divide. The House later created a working group that developed recommendations for a new approach to managing Mauna Kea, leading to legislation that Ige signed.

The governor said that he regularly evaluated his response to emergencies and tried to adjust. “It’s always about being focused on priorities to help you make decisions, and then doing what’s best for the community,” he said. “I’ve tried to make sure that we maintain that focus.”

Kauai Mayor Derek Kawakami said that he admired Ige’s ability to handle difficult situations and criticism with grace. He said he aspired to be that kind of leader.

“I’ve just seen a person that was willing to stand in the middle of a storm, wake up every single day and give it his all,” Kawakami said.

Several people who worked closely with Ige said that they never saw him lose his temper or lash out at colleagues, even in stressful situations. Observers from near and far said that they never heard him speak ill of anyone.

Ige didn’t deflect responsibility in 2018 when the Hawaii Emergency Management Agency, or HIEMA, terrified residents by accidentally sending an alert across airwaves and cell phones saying that a ballistic missile was heading to the islands.

Caldwell said that a more typical politician would have found someone to blame, fired them and swiftly stepped away from the issue.

“Instead he stood up immediately and apologized for the mistakes made by HIEMA, and continued to apologize throughout the rest of the day and throughout the rest of the week,” Caldwell said.

After an internal investigation, the employee who sent the alert was fired. Ige wouldn’t be pressured by the public or the media into rushing a decision, Caldwell said.

“He’s the most non-politician politician that I’ve come across in my time as mayor,” Caldwell said.

Once out of office, Ige hopes to exercise more, boosting his once-weekly runs to three to four times a week. He plans to take some software development classes and looks forward to visiting his children living in California and Washington state.

He’s not interested in serving in Congress and doesn’t plan to run for another elected office. He said that he enjoyed his time as governor.

“I worked very hard to do the right thing in the right way on behalf of the community,” he said.

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November 28, 2022 at 05:01PM
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'I Worked Very Hard': Hawaii Gov. David Ige Looks Back At 8 Years Leading The State - Honolulu Civil Beat

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US hospitals are increasingly facing an impossible choice: Merge or perish - Vox.com

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Locally owned and operated community hospitals these days often face an impossible dilemma: Should they allow a larger hospital system to take over their operations, which can mean cuts to staff and services — or close entirely?

These hospitals are an essential lifeline for health care, often the only place where patients can receive hospital-level care without having to travel hours away from their homes. They are part of the fabric of the community, providing not only medical services but also good-paying jobs and other secondary benefits.

But the US health care system puts small, locally controlled hospitals at a disadvantage. Revenue is based almost entirely on the volume of medical services a hospital provides and, by their very nature, hospitals serving rural or otherwise remote communities do not see as many patients. That has put many of them in poor financial condition. Over the last 10 years, more than 130 rural hospitals have closed; hundreds more are projected to be in danger of closing soon. The pandemic took a toll on hospital finances, too, simultaneously making more small hospitals vulnerable to closure while also leading larger systems to look at potential acquisitions more skeptically.

Facilities seeking to avert the devastating effects of a full closure are left with limited options for keeping the doors open. A takeover is sometimes the only viable avenue. But that comes at a cost, as two recent episodes illustrate.

First, the deal can fall through. The Greenwood Leflore Hospital had for months been exploring a potential merger with the University of Mississippi Medical Center once local leaders decided the hospital, owned jointly by the city and county government, could no longer stay open on its own. As Mississippi Today reported earlier this month, the current owners agreed to put up $9 million to cover outstanding debts and deferred maintenance in order to make the deal more appetizing, but it still wasn’t enough to convince UMMC to take over the facility. Their options now are to find another buyer or close.

But even if a deal goes through, the pain can still come later. The community hospital in Sharon, Connecticut, was first acquired by a larger system in 2017 and then its ownership changed again in 2019 after the merger of two corporate entities. One of the conditions for state regulators approving the sale was that the new owners, Nuvance Health, agreed to maintain maternity care services. But within two years, the company seemed prepared to break that deal. Labor and delivery services could soon end. A community coalition is now fighting to prevent the loss of critical health care in their area.

The same stories have played out across the country. The Sharon hospital has been living through the same story as nearby Windham Community Hospital, almost beat for beat, just with a different owner. As larger systems continue to look for opportunities to scale up their operations, and as private equity has invested more in health care, local hospital services are increasingly subject to the whims of corporate owners who have no or little connection to the community.

Be eaten or face extinction — that is the predicament in which the US health system has placed many community hospitals. And whatever they choose, patients can lose.

Why community hospitals are under constant financial pressure

The American health system makes it really hard for small hospitals serving small communities to subsist. According to a report from the University of North Carolina’s rural health research program, 30 percent of all US hospitals were operating in the red as of 2018 and a majority of unprofitable facilities are located in rural communities.

The US does not provide hospitals with a steady level of revenue, the kind of “global budget” where hospitals are given a set amount of money for their expected expenditures based on the patients they serve and the medical care they are likely to need. American hospitals have to try to bring in as much money as they can by performing as many services as they can, but without allowing their overhead to balloon.

There are federal lines of funding, such as the Critical Access Hospitals program, meant to ameliorate those challenges. But that funding has long been deemed insufficient to keep the most distressed facilities open. Additional funding for these hospitals authorized under the Affordable Care Act, through Medicaid’s disproportionate share hospital program, is set to expire soon.

These hospitals are also the most likely to see patients who are on Medicaid or uninsured, which means they end up recouping less money for the services they provide. Some of those people are uninsured because they live in a state that refuses to expand Medicaid through the ACA, another drag on hospitals’ finances.

Even those patients with employer-sponsored insurance in rural areas are more likely to have a high-deductible health plan that requires them to spend more of their own money on their health care. And the patients that these communities serve have higher rates of obesity, diabetes, and other chronic conditions.

Stir it all together and you have hospitals serving patients with a lot of medical needs but an inability to pay. That can lead to the egregious debt collection practices that have been the source of (deserved) scrutiny, as hospitals try to squeeze every penny out of patients, even those ill-equipped to cover the costs.

For the hospitals, it can be a difficult balancing act. Maintaining a labor-and-delivery department in a rural community with fewer births, one of the services commonly targeted for cuts when times get tough, can be expensive. A hospital needs nurses available to staff the unit and OB-GYNs either on staff or under contract who can be available at a moment’s notice. But you can end up spending a month’s worth of staff salary for a handful of births — and those births are often covered by Medicaid, with the lowest reimbursement rates of any US health insurer.

The pressure to find more money is real. But siphoning it from already-impoverished patients isn’t a sustainable solution. That leaves these hospitals with few options except to explore mergers in order to continue operating. But that comes with its risks, too, either if the new owner is not responsive to the community’s needs (as in Sharon) or if the deal falls through and there is no financially viable way to keep the hospital open (as in Greenwood).

Countries with more organized health care systems, where funding for hospitals is not entirely dependent on the volume of services they provide, are less likely to be faced with these problems. As public officials confront the possibility of rural hospitals shuttering for good and leaving their communities with nowhere nearby to receive medical care, they seem to recognize that a more comprehensive solution is necessary

“The financial issues facing health care are becoming universal in our state. We need a universal plan to address them,” Mississippi Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann said in a statement to Mississippi Today about the Greenwood facility.

The difficult choice for small community hospitals facing closure

When I read the reports of what was happening at the Sharon hospital, I was struck by the parallels with the situation in Windham, Connecticut, which I covered earlier this year. A small hospital had been acquired by a larger hospital system. In Windham, it was Hartford HealthCare; in Sharon, it was Health Quest, and later, after that company was merged with another to create a new nonprofit hospital network, Nuvance Health.

As part of those transactions, the larger health system pledged to maintain the current menu of services on which the community had come to rely. But that promise was quickly broken.

In Windham, the hospital first downgraded its ICU unit to a more limited “critical care” department. Then, without first seeking the necessary state approval, the Windham facility made the decision to close its labor-and-delivery department in 2020. That decision would have left expectant mothers to travel 30 minutes or more to give birth; as I reported earlier this year, at least one mom gave birth on the side of the road because her ambulance could not reach the new designated hospital for childbirth in time.

In Sharon, the hospital staff was told in 2020 that labor-and-delivery services would soon cease, in spite of a five-year prohibition on ending lines of service, according to a timeline compiled by the Save Sharon Hospital coalition. Nuvance then announced publicly in 2021 that it would close the maternity ward before it even sought approval from state regulators, just as Hartford HealthCare had in Windham. Around the same time, they revealed plans to downgrade the ICU unit in Sharon, another cost-saving measure that had previously been undertaken in Windham.

As in the first case, the Sharon hospital said that these maneuvers had been necessary because of a declining birth rate and the hospital’s strapped finances. The community coalition in Sharon has appealed to state lawmakers and regulators to try to block the closure. They are following the example of their counterparts in Windham, which had protested that maternity ward closure to state regulators and prevailed in an initial ruling that is now under appeal.

The stakes are high: Much as in Windham, the nearest hospital that provides labor and delivery services is a 38-minute drive, according to Save Sharon Hospital.

“The well-being of the hospital’s patient population is highly dependent upon its services,” Save Sharon Hospital said in a statement. “Patients in labor or experiencing obstetrical emergencies may be unable to reach an alternative hospital in time to avert a crisis.”

The Sharon hospital is living through the challenges that come with being absorbed into a bigger system. Individual sites can become increasingly specialized, and low-profit services that require scale to be profitable — such as delivering babies — end up being consolidated into specific facilities, even if that means patients will have to travel farther to receive them.

The research on how hospital acquisitions affect care is limited and the results are mixed. Some studies have found improved mortality for heart attacks, higher profitability, and more capital investments after an outside buyer takes over a community hospital. But other studies have concluded that patients report a worse experience at recently acquired hospitals, and an associated drop in inpatient charges may indicate that hospitals reduce or eliminate certain lines of service after they merged with another system.

What’s clear is that a merger is often the tool of last resort for a hospital that doesn’t make enough money and is accumulating debt. Because the alternative can be even worse.

In Greenwood, Mississippi, a city of 15,000 people, 90 miles from Jackson and 130 from Memphis, the locally owned community hospital is under duress. The hospital had been in talks with the larger University of Mississippi system since the summer, as its leaders sought to stave off closure.

It is a common problem in that part of the country; more than half of Mississippi’s rural hospitals are at risk of closure, according to the state health department. Greenwood has already stopped labor-and-delivery services in order to save money; another hospital in the Delta area where Greenwood is located also recently closed the only neonatal ICU unit in the area in another desperate attempt to cut costs.

The Greenwood hospital had slashed dozens of staff positions, and the local governments that currently own the facility had even authorized $9 million to cover outstanding debts that the facility owes to Medicare and for deferred maintenance in order to make the deal more appealing to UMMC.

But it wasn’t enough. UMMC said in a statement it could not make the finances work. The hospital could close by the end of the year unless a solution can be found.

“We did not have a Plan B,” Greenwood City Council President Ronnie Stevenson told Mississippi Today. “This community needs a hospital. We don’t want to have to rush to Jackson ... We want to save lives here, and having a community hospital will save lives.”

The Greenwood facility is facing the final dilemma for community hospitals: merge or perish. Mergers had been rising before the Covid-19 pandemic, with a substantial uptick in activity between 2011 and 2016, the most recent period covered in a 2020 study. The pace appears to have slowed as a result of the pandemic, but the structural forces that have led more and more small hospitals to seek a buyer aren’t going away.

So long as the US health system makes it difficult for community hospitals to survive on their own, the stories that are playing out in Greenwood and in Sharon seem destined to be repeated.

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November 28, 2022 at 07:00PM
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US hospitals are increasingly facing an impossible choice: Merge or perish - Vox.com

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